97,000 People Got Convalescent Plasma

As of Monday, August 17, a nationwide program to treat Covid-19 patients with a fluid made from the blood of people who’d recovered from the disease—so-called convalescent plasma—had reached 97,319 patients.

That’s a huge number of people, considering that nobody really knows whether convalescent plasma actually works against Covid-19.

A spontaneously generated, self-assembling group of clinicians and cross-disciplinary researchers that built the nationwide program to ensure “expanded access” to convalescent plasma also created protocols for randomized, controlled trials, the gold standard for evidence in science. They hoped to test plasma’s ability to prevent disease after exposure, its capacity to treat Covid-19—and what Michael Joyner, an exercise physiologist at the Mayo Clinic who was instrumental in setting up the expanded-access network, called a “Hail Mary” protocol to try to help people who are severely ill, on ventilators. The distribution system got approved and built; the trial protocols did not. They never began. There are plenty of reasons to think plasma might help fight Covid-19. Physicians have used it for more than a century; it’s made by taking blood from people who’ve recovered from a disease and spinning it in a centrifuge down to a frothy, yellow liquid that contains the sum total of the donor’s immune response—molecules that attack all invading germs, and some that specifically target all the individual pathogens the donor has ever encountered. But actual rigorous trials of the stuff are rare. Dozens of randomized, controlled clinical trials are underway—tests that systematically compare the same kinds of people at similar stages of the disease who get convalescent plasma to those who don’t. Even without that rigor, this year tens of thousands of people received plasma for Covid-19. It played out as a one-on-one decision between physicians and patients, not a population-scale experiment designed to elicit knowledge about its efficacy. A preprint from the expanded-access group, not yet peer-reviewed, recounts the outcomes of more than 35,000 of these recipients at hundreds of hospitals. It retroactively splits that population into groups based on when in their illness they got plasma, or how laden the plasma was with the antibodies that actually do the disease-fighting. But, as the researchers and outside experts both acknowledge, that’s not as good as a clinical trial in which people get randomly assigned to a group that gets a drug (or procedure or surgery or whatever) versus a group that doesn’t, and then someone compares the results. And that’s a palpable loss. “Fifty thousand people have been given a treatment, and we cannot know whether it worked or not,” says Martin Landray, one of the leaders of the Randomised Evaluation of Covid-19 Therapies (or Recovery) Trial in England, a large-scale, multi-center, multi-drug randomized controlled trial that showed that the corticosteroid dexamethasone saved the lives of Covid-19 patients and the autoimmune drug hydroxychloroquine did not. (That 50,000 number was from a few weeks back, just after the plasma preprint came out.) “You wouldn’t need to randomize 50,000 patients. You wouldn’t need to randomize 5,000 patients to get the answer,” he says. “But that one difference is the difference between the effort being worthwhile or not.” Here’s another perspective, using the more up-to-date number: “In my mind, treating 98,000 people with plasma and not having conclusive data if it worked is problematic, and we should have a more robust data set before we give 98,000 people a product,” says John Beigel, associate director for clinical research at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases’ Division of Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. Beigel was the lead author on the study of the drug remdesivir that led to its incorporation into the US standard of care for Covid-19.

On Wednesday, The New York Times reported that in light of the current lack of efficacy data, the FDA has put on hold plans to issue an Emergency Use Authorization to allow anyone with Covid-19 to be treated with convalescent plasma, even beyond the Mayo-led program. (In an emailed statement, Anand Shah, deputy commissioner for medical and scientific affairs at the FDA, wrote: “Per policy, we are not able to comment on whether or not we will take any action regarding emergency use authorization for convalescent plasma and will render a decision at the appropriate time.”)

What looked at the beginning of the pandemic like a rare bright spot—that a classic treatment used in pandemics for the past century might prove effective in this one, too, and provide a relatively simple stopgap before monoclonal antibodies and vaccines—now looks dimmer. It’s not that it doesn’t work. It’s worse than that: Because of failures in the system of how science gets done, nobody knows.

This isn’t how things were supposed to happen. Earlier this year, when I spoke to Joyner, he told me about the three trials they hoped to run. Back in March, Joyner saw work validating plasma’s use as a bridge to more specific therapies—hyperimmune globulin, monoclonal antibodies that attack a carefully chosen part of the virus, and eventually vaccines that build a bodywide response, ideally a permanent one.

It made sense. Plasma has been used for decades. Health care workers tried it against MERS, against the first SARS, against Ebola. More recently, a small randomized clinical trial of plasma on Covid-19 in China published in JAMA in June—just 103 patients—stopped early but showed indications of improvement.

Another small RCT in the Netherlands, published in July as a preprint, didn’t show any efficacy of plasma, but it hinted that timing the dose was the key.

Mayo spokespeople declined to make Joyner available for an interview this week, but he has said on Twitter that funding sources turned his group’s trials down, that they were more interested in pursuing hyperimmune globulin, a more specific type of blood-derived immunotherapy. Another researcher, who was involved in the construction of the expanded-access program, likewise tells me that they met resistance to their efforts to run randomized trials from the start. “We drew up these trials, and we approached multiple federal agencies and private funders to immediately get these trials going, and we actually didn’t have a lot of luck with that,” says Jeffrey Henderson, a physician and infectious disease researcher at Washington University St. Louis. “We had all these trials in the hopper. We were ready to ride the first wave. We figured, we’re not going to have enough to give to anybody anyway, let’s run trials. We just could not get traction. The studies we’re coming out with now are not the studies we wanted to do. It’s people making the best of the situation.” I asked representatives of the National Institutes of Health whether they discussed the studies Joyner proposed, but they haven’t responded. Henderson told me that the Mayo-led consortium approached the Gates Foundation, a major funder of medical research, and were similarly rebuffed. A Gates Foundation spokesperson says the foundation never received a formal proposal of any kind from Joyner’s group—and that the foundation is more focused on funding research into hyperimmune globulin. It doesn’t require a relatively complex infusion, as plasma does, it’s more shelf-stable, and might be more targeted as a treatment. The expanded-access program might have been, in one sense, a victim of its own success. Its planners initially expected to reach perhaps 300 hospitals. They instead ended up with a network of more than 2,700, with 14,000 physicians. The team expected to get 5,000 patients signed up, a mark they passed within a few weeks. The vast majority were at hospitals that had no infrastructure or experience with clinical trials, and wouldn’t be expected to run them. At the beginning, the FDA expected a smaller-scale expanded-access program that would be one of three ways people would get convalescent plasma. The other two would be either through an emergency Investigational New Drug (or IND) license that the agency also approved (which would let physicians prescribe plasma they got from other sources), and randomized clinical trials. Patients would get the help they desperately needed, and the proof would come alongside soon after. The expanded-use program quickly swamped the other two routes. In that sense, the FDA’s fast and compassionate approval of the expanded-use program might also have wounded the trials. “We were pushing, pushing to get the IND to do studies, assuming that studies would be funded somewhere, and the FDA is moving unusually fast,” Henderson says. “And then what they release is a compassionate use IND. I just remember it was like, silence. Like, wait a minute—is this good? It wasn’t what we were pushing for.” On the other hand, R. Scott Wright, director of the Human Research Protection Program at Mayo and another of the expanded-access program’s coordinators, says setting up trials would have been much more difficult than people have made it seem. In March and April, the Mayo-based group didn’t have enough plasma to send to potential trial sites, nor did it have enough placebo—it didn’t even know what an appropriate placebo would have been. (Saline is clear and looks different from plasma, though you can add food coloring. But then to keep the study blinded, you also have to disguise that it comes from the pharmacy and not the blood bank.) Also, one of the hallmarks of the Covid-19 pandemic is the speed with which it moves from community to community, which means that by the time some trials got started, they didn’t have any patients to enroll. Travel restrictions meant that even if principal investigators knew where to go to get ahead of the disease, they weren’t allowed to go there to train site leads and study coordinators. Even if all of that got figured out, patients were skeptical of signing up for randomized trials of some complicated gunk they’d never heard of. Those who wanted plasma could already get it under the expanded-use program. Why risk getting randomized to the control group and getting a placebo? And as a Wednesday statement from the Mayo Clinic put it, the expanded-access program was “not intended to be a clinical trial to determine the efficacy of convalescent plasma,” even though it did convey “possible signals of efficacy.” The expanded-access program has involved the time and energy of thousands of physicians and nearly 100,000 sick people. Yet it has generated little information to help the next set of physicians and patients make a decision about whether to use that same compound. The resulting preprint isn’t nothing, to be sure. It shows that convalescent plasma is safe to use, as it has been in pandemics past. The researchers were able to sort their data to extract some knowledge. They kept track of the timing of when plasma was administered—early after a patient showed symptoms, or later. Earlier use seems to translate to lower mortality, according to the preprint. A reliable test of the levels of antibodies in the plasma—called antibody titer—didn’t exist when the program started, but the researchers made sure that all the blood banks involved saved samples of the plasma that got administered. Later, when tests did exist, the researchers went back and determined whether plasma given to someone contained high, medium, or low amounts of the various immunological components. So they grouped patient data that way, as well. Higher-titer plasma was most effective. “There were elements within this pragmatic design that allowed for something similar to randomization. I call it pseudo-randomization,” says Wright. He’s also an author, with Joyner and many others, on the preprint. “I’d like to see a randomized trial designed to test the hypothesis that our data reveals. And, in the absence of a randomized trial, I believe the data support the earlier use of convalescent plasma, and plasma with more evidence of immune activation.” But since none of those outcomes were randomized against control groups, it’s hard to conclude anything … conclusive, if you see what I mean. Coaxing useful results from a large-scale trial isn’t impossible. Landray’s Recovery trial has done it. It’s a multi-armed study that began with tests of half a dozen drugs, including the steroid dexamethasone (success! and now part of the Covid-19 pharmacopeia) and the antiinflammatory hydroxychloroquine (bzzzt). Recovery even has an arm studying convalescent plasma, though the decline of cases in the United Kingdom means enrollments have, for now, slowed.

Recovery owes some of its success at putting drugs through a scientific wringer to the UK’s National Health Service. Every hospital is linked to the same database, with the same interchangeable record format. It’s easy to randomize new patients and collect data on them.

That’s the kind of thing that has convinced some trialists in the US to advocate for a standing “pandemic protocol,” a pre-prepared network of research hospitals ready to mount trials of whatever, as soon as a pandemic hits. It’d be hard—nobody likes to spend money for no apparent reason, just waiting around for disaster. (Though in fact such a network could do other equally useful work during pandemic halftimes, and might well save money and lives in the long run.)

Still, it’s hard not to be frustrated by what looks like a lost opportunity this time around. Tens of thousands of people got convalescent plasma, and nobody really knows if it helped them. Nobody really knows if it’ll help anyone else. “Future patients around the world, each one that comes along, you make an arbitrary decision whether to give it or not based on no more information than the last patient. You never learn anything,” Landray says.

The head of the NIH, Francis Collins, convened a meeting a couple of weeks ago of many of the people receiving agency funding to do randomized, controlled trials on convalescent plasma. Half a dozen researchers, including Joyner, presented their data via videoconference. It might not have been a turning point, but it does suggest renewed interest in coordination of trials.

Just a few weeks ago, a New York-based trial led by Liise-anne Pirofski, the head of infectious disease at Montefiore Hospital and a professor at Albert Einstein College of Medicine, was stalled at two hospitals (NYU was the other) and only 180 enrolled subjects. Pirofski had put the trial, her first as principal investigator, together in April while she was also treating New York’s surge of Covid-19 patients. “I spent quite a bit of time calling people at sites that were surging, and to be honest I didn’t get a lot of buy-in,” Pirofski says. But now she has $4.5 million in additional NIH funding under “Operation Warp Speed” and has expanded to research centers in Florida and Texas. “When we got funding and we had conversations with NIH, they saw the importance of expanding the trial and really helped us,” she says.

Her trial is a straight, head-to-head comparison of hospitalized patients randomized to get transfused with either plasma or a placebo made of saline solution. An adaptive approach to the data means that even though she hopes to get at least 300 participants, an independent data team will monitor the ongoing results. If a signal shows up sooner, they’ll let Pirofski know. Results could be a kind of closing-of-the-loop; with Arturo Casadevall of Johns Hopkins, Pirofski wrote one of the early, influential articles advocating for the use of convalescent plasma against Covid-19. “What I really love about our study is that we will get an answer, and the answer will be the following: Plasma works, or plasma doesn’t work,” she says. Meanwhile at Hopkins, physician and infectious disease researcher Shmeul Shoham is running one of two companion studies that echo the protocols the expanded-access folks wanted to try—a post-exposure prophylaxis study of people exposed but not yet ill, and another of people who have symptoms but haven’t yet been hospitalized. At first, his money came from the Bloomberg Foundation and the state of Maryland. Then the Department of the Defense came through with $35 million. They’ll have over 1,000 participants at as many as 30 sites across the US, including in the Navajo Nation. “I have not had a good night’s sleep since March—worrying about whether we’re going to get approval, and then funding, and then enrolling patients,” Shoham says. That’s just a smattering of the trials that are out there. A team at NYU is trying to use smart statistics to combine, meta-analytically, the data that the small and paused plasma trials have gotten, in an effort to squeeze some useful knowledge out of them. And while it’s tempting to bang on a table about the lost months when thousands of people got plasma without a rigorous evidence base, it’s also true that lots of standard medical practice doesn’t have that evidence—for many of the same reasons of cost, time, tradition, and so on. (Consider medical interventions for low back pain, or the ways oncologists review imaging test results, or nutritional science, or or or.) One truism about randomized controlled clinical trials is that they are expensive. Another is that they take forever. And even though it might feel otherwise, Covid-19 is only eight months old. “Having done clinical trials now for 20 years, the time between when an idea is thought of, and the time to when the study is funded and operationalized, is usually a couple of years,” Shoham says. “And then the time from when the study results come in to when it changes therapy in a meaningful way can be another five years after that.” The bungled Covid-19 response in the US doesn’t allow that kind of time. Sure, randomized, controlled trials won’t always be possible, or even appropriate. Are they the only way to know about the world? No, of course not. Pragmatic studies like the expanded-use preprint or retrospective and observational studies are all stations on a journey to greater (but never perfect) certainty. “I’m a trialist. I strongly advocate using trials when appropriate. But I think there are other ways to get medical evidence that may not be as powerful as a trial but are important,” Wright says. That’s manifestly so. But in the case of convalescent plasma, a therapy that seemed like a tantalizing possibility in March, remains only that: tantalizing.

Convalescent plasma not tested enough – WHO scientist

From the World Health Organization:

Coronavirus treatment trials involving convalescent plasma have not been conclusive, World Health Organization (WHO) Chief Scientist Soumya Swaminathan said on Monday. Speaking at an online media briefing, she added that evidence of its success is “very low-quality” and that more testing is needed. Additionally, Swamnathan stated that monoclonal antibodies could also potentially be used to treat and prevent COVID-19, but that more trial results are needed for these treatments as well. The WHO chief scientist’s remarks come after United States President Donald Trump praised convalescent plasma treatment for COVID-19 as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency use authorization. The British National Health Service also said in a statement earlier that results on convalescent plasma are inconclusive.

And from the NHS out of England:

Studies on using convalescent blood plasma for coronavirus treatment are “promising” but there is no clear evidence it is effective, the UK National Health Service (NHS) said in a statement on Monday. “The observational studies coming from America are promising and support the need for people to continue to donate convalescent plasma in England. However, they are not conclusive,” the statement said. On Sunday, United States President Donald Trump hailed the convalescent plasma therapy’s “incredible rate of success,” claiming it was proven “safe and effective.”

Global Stocks Climb After Trump Plasma Drug Push and Central Bank Speculation

Global stocks gained ground on Monday, as President Donald Trump signaled he would take an aggressive approach in pushing medical treatments to fight coronavirus. After Trump accused the Food and Drug Administration of trying to sabotage his re-election efforts, the FDA gave emergency approval for the use of blood plasma from recovered coronavirus patients, which hasn’t been proved by scientific trials. The Financial Times said Trump may order the FDA to grant approval to the University of Oxford vaccine to be distributed by AstraZeneca by the same manner. AstraZeneca shares rose 2%. “Markets have naturally been very sensitive to vaccine developments in recent months and it seems we’re getting a bit of a bump this morning once again,” said Craig Erlam, senior market analyst at Oanda Europe. Markets seemingly ignored Trump’s comment to Fox News that “we don’t have to” do business with China. While there is no major economic report due for release on Monday, attention is building to the annual Jackson Hole conference, where Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell is expected to outline the central bank’s new inflation strategy. Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey also will address that conference. “We maintain our view that Federal Reserve support will be a more important driver for risk assets than Covid-19 or other factors, such as U.S.-China tensions and the U.S. election. We also think that this story has not been fully priced into markets,” said Mark Haefele, chief investment officer at UBS Global Wealth Management.

Trump to announce emergency authorization of convalescent plasma as covid-19 treatment

Trump to announce emergency authorization of convalescent plasma as covid-19 treatmenyt. On the eve of the Republican National Convention where President Trump hopes to revive his flagging political fortunes, he will announce the emergency authorization of convalescent plasma for covid-19, a treatment that already has been given to more than 70,000 patients, according to officials familiar with the decision.
In a tweet late Saturday night, White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany said the announcement at 5:30 p.m. Sunday involved “a major therapeutic breakthrough on the China virus.” Officials confirmed on Sunday the treatment is convalescent plasma; they spoke on the condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to discuss the issue. The White House declined comment.

Many scientists and physicians believe that convalescent plasma might provide some benefit but is far from a breakthrough. It is rich in antibodies that could be helpful in fighting the coronavirus, but the evidence so far has not been conclusive about whether it works, when to administer it and what dose is needed. On CBS’s “Face the Nation” on Sunday, former FDA commissioner Scott Gottlieb said the blood product — derived from patients who have survived covid-19 — is “probably beneficial” for covid-19 patients. The issuance of an emergency authorization would make it easier to get in some settings. But he also said it already is widely available, so the change would be “incremental.”

The announcement comes as Trump has put extraordinary pressure on federal agencies to test and approve treatments and, especially, a vaccine against the novel coronavirus which has already killed more than 170,000 Americans. The president’s political advisers believe that having a vaccine by Election Day is key to his prospects for winning.

It also lands a day after the president without evidence accused the FDA of impeding enrollment in clinical trials for coronavirus vaccines and therapeutics for political reasons. McEnany said in her tweet that FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn and Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar would appear at the news conference.

 

“The deep state, or whoever, over at the FDA is making it very difficult for drug companies to get people in order to test the vaccines and therapeutics,” Trump said on Twitter on Saturday. “Obviously, they are hoping to delay the answer until after November 3rd. Must focus on speed, and saving lives!” He tagged Hahn in the tweet.

On Sunday, White House chief of staff Mark Meadows defended Trump’s tweet.

“I can tell you that the announcement that’s coming today should have been made several weeks ago,” Meadows said on “Fox News Sunday,” previewing the administration’s plans. “It was a fumble by a number of people in the federal government that should have done it differently … and having been personally involved with it. Sometimes you have to make them feel the heat if they don’t see the light.”

Convalescent plasma has long has been used for other infectious diseases, including Ebola. The treatment’s effectiveness for covid-19 has appeared promising but has remained unsettled because scientists don’t yet have results from rigorous clinical trials. The tens of thousands of patients already treated have been enrolled in an expanded access program sponsored by the FDA and run by the Mayo Clinic.

Carlos del Rio, executive associate dean of the Emory School of Medicine, said that it was an exaggeration to call plasma a “breakthrough.” He called plasma an “interesting strategy” and said the data so far was a “nice hint” that it could be helpful, but stressed that it was “not going to win the game.”

“The problem is, the President, in my mind, has lost total credibility because of what he’s done with hydroxychloroquine. He’s touted so many things that don’t work,” del Rio said. “The reality is what we have today to treat covid is extremely limited.”

But Arturo Casadevall, chair of molecular microbiology and immunology at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, expressed support for an emergency use authorization earlier this week, saying it could make it somewhat easier to access the treatment. The lack of an authorization “makes it harder, particularly in hospitals that don’t have the resources to do all the paperwork that is needed to be part of the expanded access program” facilitated by the Mayo Clinic, he said. “Simply because they’re so busy, the hospitals are stretched.”

Kate Fry, chief executive of America’s Blood Centers, which represents blood banks, said the Mayo program was never designed to provide plasma supply long term. “It really has gotten so large that it has sort of gone past it’s intended purpose,” she said, adding the FDA approval would ease the burden for clinicians and physicians.

One of the administration officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity said that the announcement follows two weeks of “insane fights.” The official said that Trump held more conversations on the issue Saturday and that those involved have agreed to give it a “tentative try.” At least one individual who has been following the issue closely said he had expected the announcement to come from the FDA this week in any case, but closer to the middle of the week.

Whether the FDA should give plasma emergency authorization — a temporary approval granted during a public health emergency that requires much less rigorous evidence than a full approval — follows weeks of discussion. Some scientists at the National Institutes of Health have argued that the efficacy data wasn’t strong enough — but NIH does not control FDA decisions, the FDA pointed out last week.

Gottlieb, during his television interview Sunday, defended the FDA, saying he “fundamentally rejected” the idea that officials would slow down or accelerate a decision based on political pressure.

Emails show businesses held sway over state reopening plans

As South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster prepared to announce the end of a coronavirus stay-at-home order, his top staff received an email from the state health department.

The message, highlighted in bold, was clear: Wait longer before allowing customers back inside restaurants, hair salons and other businesses where people will be in close contact.

Instead, McMaster pressed ahead with a plan written by the state restaurant association to resume inside dining on May 11. The guidelines made masks optional for employees and allowed more customers inside than the health agency had advised.

A few days later, the Republican governor opened the doors to salons, fitness centers and swimming pools. He did not wait to gauge the effect of the restaurant reopening on the virus, as public health officials had suggested. Like many states, South Carolina later experienced a surge in infections that forced McMaster to dial back his reopening plan.

He was hardly alone. Thousands of pages of emails provided to The Associated Press under open-records laws show that governors across the U.S. were inundated with reopening advice from a wide range of industries — from campgrounds in New Hampshire to car washes in Washington. Some governors put economic interests ahead of public health guidance, and certain businesses were allowed to write the rules that would govern their own operations.

As job losses accelerated, the pressure to reopen intensified. “Attraction folks are on me like white on rice,” McMaster’s tourism director wrote to the head of the governor’s reopening task force, describing lobbying from amusement parks, bingo halls and other entertainment venues. Though governors often work with business leaders to craft policy, the emails offer a new window into their decisions during a critical early juncture in the nation’s battle against the pandemic. Many governors chose to reopen before their states met all the nationally recommended health guidelines, which include a sustained downward rate of infection and robust testing and contact tracing.

“The interest in trying to reopen and restart economic activity had a much greater pull at the time … than did public health concerns or question marks about how it would go,” said Anita Cicero, deputy director of the Johns Hopkins University Center for Health Security.

Many states were forced to halt or roll back their reopening plans as COVID-19 cases spiked across the country this summer, and the number of infections and deaths in the U.S. far outpaced those of any other country. In early August, McMaster transformed his restaurant guidelines into requirements, including a mandate that all diners and employees wear masks. The governor’s spokesman, Brian Symmes, said “some restaurants weren’t doing what they needed to do.” Symmes also defended the spring reopening, saying the governor “has a wider scope of responsibility and focus than our public health officials.” “It simply isn’t the government’s job to put its thumb on the scale by shuttering these small businesses for an undefined and indefinite period of time,” Symmes said. Two weeks after North Dakota reopened, Republican Gov. Doug Burgum received a report showing a single-day spike of 69 new COVID-19 cases in one county. Burgum fired off an email to several of his top officials complaining that the outbreak — combined with lower-than-promised daily COVID-19 testing — was “driving our state numbers in the wrong direction.” “Our house is on fire,” Burgum wrote, accompanied by a fire emoji. “Need to drive a much greater sense of urgency and action.” North Dakota was among at least 15 states that provided records to the AP at no cost. A few states wanted hundreds or thousands of dollars to supply copies of the communications that could reveal how governors were making decisions — and which voices influenced them the most.

Some states suspended or slowed responses to open-records requests because of the coronavirus. Three months after submitting its request, the AP is still awaiting records from many states, including California, Texas and Florida, which have the greatest number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.

“In a pandemic, you need more transparency, more information — not less of either one of those,” said Dan Bevarly, executive director of the National Freedom of Information Coalition. As she was putting the finishing touches on a reopening plan in May, Oregon Gov. Kate Brown received a letter from a coalition of business groups pressing for more say in the process. Two hours later, the head of the state hospital association wrote urging the Democrat to mandate masks as “foundational to any business opening where people will be gathered, indoors or out.” At first, Brown required masks only for employees of certain businesses, but she had to reverse course as COVID-19 cases rose over the summer. She became one of 34 governors to impose statewide mask mandates. In Washington state, landscapers, dog walkers and car wash operators all had a role in the rules affecting their businesses, according to the emails provided by Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee’s administration.Lance Odermat, vice president of Brown Bear Car Wash in Seattle, said he was frustrated that car washes were not exempt from Inslee’s order shutting down many businesses in March. But Odermat continued to plead his case. He was included in a car-wash reopening group and sent the administration the company’s internal plan for reopening with coronavirus precautions. When the governor released his reopening strategy, “it seemed like a lot of those guidelines were taken directly from our operating plan,” Odermat said.

In North Carolina, the head of a restaurant association sent a copy of the group’s reopening plan to Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s chief of staff on April 24 and warned in a letter the following week that the outlook for restaurants “becomes more dire” with each passing day. She also served on a state task force that helped shape the guidelines Cooper eventually issued, which allowed in-person dining to resume with up to 50% of fire-code capacity and tables spaced at least 6 feet apart.

Italy’s daily COVID cases climb over 1,000 first time since May

ROME (REUTERS) – Italy’s health ministry on Saturday (Aug 22) reported 1,071 new coronavirus infections in the past 24 hours, exceeding 1,000 cases in a day for the first time since May when the government eased rigid lockdown measures. Italy, one of Europe’s worst-hit countries with more than 35,000 deaths, has managed to contain the outbreak after a peak in deaths and cases between March and April. However, it has seen a steady increase in infections over the last month, with experts blaming holidays and night life for causing people to gather in numbers.

The country last recorded a higher figure on May 12, when 1,402 cases were reported, six days before restaurants,rs and shops were allowed to reopen after a 10-week lockdo bawn.

Despite the rise in infections, daily death tallies remain low and are often in single figures. Saturday saw just three fatalities, compared to nine on Friday and six on Thursday, health ministry data showed. The number of new infections remains considerably lower than those registered in Spain and France. On Saturday, Lazio, around Rome, was the Italian region to see the largest number of new cases, with 215. Of these, around 60 per cent were people returning from holidays in other parts of Italy and abroad, the region’s health chief said. The northern regions of Lombardy and Veneto, where Italy’s epidemic first came to light on Feb 21, saw 185 and 160 new cases respectively. Italy has taken countermeasures to try to stem the recent uptrend, shutting down clubs and discos and making it compulsory to wear a mask at night in outdoor public spaces. Travellers from several non-EU countries have been banned from entering Italy, with restrictions and testing obligations imposed on people returning from hard-hit European countries.

Trump: FDA making vaccine testing difficult

https://youtu.be/boYieWAQaMY

President Trump called out the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on Saturday, claiming the agency was making it difficult for drug companies to test possible coronavirus vaccines and therapeutics on people. In a tweet, the president also accused members of the federal agency of slow-walking efforts to test possible vaccines and treatments for COVID-19 until after the November election. “The deep state, or whoever, over at the FDA is making it very difficult for drug companies to get people in order to test the vaccines and therapeutics. Obviously, they are hoping to delay the answer until after November 3rd. Must focus on speed, and saving lives!” Trump tweeted. The president tagged FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn in the tweet.

It was not immediately clear what FDA policies Trump was referring to in his tweet. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment from The Hill. The tweet came after the administration announced this week it will allow coronavirus tests developed by individual laboratories to be used without FDA review, a move that reportedly came after the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) determined the FDA does not have the authority to regulate lab-developed tests for any condition, including COVID-19. FDA officials reportedly opposed the decision on the grounds that some tests have proven to be faulty, while HHS officials said the FDA’s approval process hampered their ability to develop and promptly release tests. Peter Marks, director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, this week threatened to resign if the agency were to approve a COVID-19 vaccine that’s not proven to be safe and effective. He said, “I could not stand by and see something that was unsafe or ineffective that was being put through.” “You have to decide where your red line is, and that’s my red line,” he told Reuters. “I would feel obligated [to resign] because in doing so, I would indicate to the American public that there’s something wrong.” Hahn himself pledged earlier this month that the agency “will not cut corners” as it races to develop a COVID-19 vaccine. Democrats seized on Trump’s tweet Saturday, with lawmakers suggesting it was the latest in a trend of the president ignoring advice from his scientific advisers.

“The president’s dangerous and unhinged conspiracy theories continue to undermine our doctors and scientists and make it more difficult to respond to the pandemic,” tweeted Sen. Michael Bennet (D- Colo.).

Antibodies, immunity low after COVID-19 recovery

A study of COVID-19 patients has found that they lost protective immunity within two to three months of recovery. Experts say that raises questions about social distancing, immunity passports and vaccines. By the time people recover from a viral infection, they have usually had an immune response and developed protection against the disease. That is, the immune system has produced antibodies that will recognize the virus if it attacks a second time, and those antibodies will know how to fight it off. But a recent investigation at Schwabing Hospital in Munich, Germany, suggests this might not be the case for SARS-CoV-2, the coronavirus that causes the disease COVID-19. Clemens Wendtner, a chief physician at the hospital, tested COVID-19 patients for immunity after they had been treated for the disease at the end of January 2020. The tests showed a significant decrease in the number of antibodies. Wendtner says “neutralizing” antibodies, which stop a viral attack, fell in four out of nine of the patients who were tested, within two to three months. Those findings coincide with a similar investigation done in China. That study also found that antibodies in COVID-19 patients do not persist in the blood. Further research is still required. But these initial findings suggest that a second infection is possible, where normally patients would have developed an immunity. And that may change the way experts handle things like the easing of social distancing measures. Antibody testing is crucial to determining the “immunity status” of a community Our bodies develop immunity to the virus by producing antibodies. marrow, where they produce antibodies against infections we have had. Those plasma cells can persist for years — keeping us immune for years. If, however, SARS-CoV-2 antibodies do not last in blood, as those recent studies suggest, recovered patients have little protection and can be re-infected. Which would bring us back to square one, where everyone is at risk of infection. One way to stop a virus spreading in a population is by developing “herd immunity.” That’s when enough people have been infected, recovered and developed a lasting immunity. But now that secondary infections with SARS-CoV-2 seem possible, experts are questioning the easing of social distancing measures, or whether it’s a good idea to issue recovered patients with so-called “immunity passports,” allowing them to roam freely. Scientists still don’t know why those antibody levels decrease over time. To compare: Antibodies against other types of coronavirus last in the blood for at least one year. That’s true for SARS-CoV, the virus that caused a 2003 outbreak in Southeast Asia, and MERS-CoV, the virus that caused a 2012 outbreak in the Middle East. All this has implications for the development of a vaccine against SARS-CoV-2. There are at least 130 candidate vaccines in clinical or pre-clinical trials worldwide. Conventional vaccines use weak or inactive versions of a virus to produce an immune response and protective antibodies. Newer types, known as DNA or RNA vaccines, hope to use genetic information from the virus to achieve the same result. But if natural antibodies decrease so quickly, how long will antibodies that are produced as a response to a vaccine last? As vaccines for SARS-CoV-2 have yet to be approved, we have a way to go before we find out.

Rotting food, dead animals and chaos at postal facilities amid cutbacks

Six weeks ago, U.S. Postal Service workers in the high desert town of Tehachapi, Calif., began to notice crates of mail sitting in the post office in the early morning that should have been shipped out for delivery the night before. At a mail processing facility in Santa Clarita in July, workers discovered that their automated sorting machines had been disabled and padlocked. And inside a massive mail-sorting facility in South Los Angeles, workers fell so far behind processing packages that by early August, gnats and rodents were swarming around containers of rotted fruit and meat, and baby chicks were dead inside their boxes. Accounts of conditions from employees at California mail facilities provide a glimpse of what some say are the consequences of widespread cutbacks in staffing and equipment recently imposed by the postal service. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, responding to a national outcry over service disruptions and fears of voter disenfranchisement, said this week he would suspend many planned changes until after the election. But postal workers say significant damage has already been done, including the removal of mail-sorting machines, which may not be replaced. While the long-term effect of the cuts on U.S. mail service is unclear, the evidence of serious disruptions appears to be mounting, according to postal employees interviewed by The Times as well as customers, lawmakers and union leaders. Until this week, the postal service was implementing a sweeping plan to remove 671 mail-sorting machines, or about 10% of its total, from facilities across the U.S. — including 76 in California. Officials also slashed overtime pay and imposed a new policy that could delay outgoing mail. The cuts have had a ripple effect in California, snarling the operation of one of the biggest mail-processing facilities in the country and delaying the delivery of prescriptions, rent payments and unemployment checks. Some people have complained of going days without receiving any mail at all. At least five high-speed mail-sorting machines have been removed from a processing plant in Sacramento, said Omar Gonzalez, the Western regional coordinator for the American Postal Workers Union. Additionally, two of the machines have been removed in Santa Ana and six in San Diego, Gonzalez said. Processing plants serve more than 1,000 California post offices, some of which deliver to far-flung, rural addresses that could be faced with high delivery costs if serviced by private mail carriers. Inside one sprawling facility at Florence and Central avenues in Los Angeles, which serves 92 L.A.-area post offices, seven delivery bar code sorters were removed in June, leaving three, Gonzalez said. Each of those machines, which would handle mail-in ballots, can process up to 35,000 pieces of mail per hour. “A lot of the machinery has already been gutted. Some of it has been dismantled and relocated or trashed,” Gonzalez said. “Although we welcome the news of the suspension of these changes, it’s just that — a suspension. The attacks and undermining of our operations will resume, maybe at the worst possible time, in December, our peak season.” Before the recent cuts, workers at the facility were working six days per week, and were still struggling to keep up with the volume of packages driven by an influx of online shopping during the COVID-19 pandemic, said mail handler Aukushan Scantlebury, 47. When DeJoy restricted overtime two months ago, Scantlebury and other workers saw their schedules cut back to five days per week. Within days, he said, the facility was in chaos. Packages piled up, blocking the aisles and the heavy sorting machinery. Boxes of steaks, fruit and other perishables rotted. Rats dashed across the floor. At one point, Scantlebury said, the “whole building was filled with gnats.”

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Struggling retailers rush to file for bankruptcy

  • Industry executives saw what happened to other retailers who filed for bankruptcy in the first few months of the coronavirus outbreak.
  • They worry that could happen to them should a second wave of infections hit during the winter months as some medical experts have warned.
  • Sporting goods chain Modell’s filed for bankruptcy on March 11 — before the coronavirus put its liquidation plans on hold.

Over a two-week span in early July, seven retailers, including The Paper Store, Brooks Brothers and Lucky Brand, filed for bankruptcy protection. J.Crew, Neiman Marcus and J.C. Penney and four other retailers had already filed in May. Lord & Taylor and the off-price shop Stein Mart led another wave that hit earlier this month. Some would say it has been a flood, but what’s coming could be a tsunami. For apparel companies and department store chains, which have been hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic, the turmoil doesn’t appear to be slowing down anytime soon. Instead, industry executives and analysts predict another round of retail bankruptcies and liquidations could be coming if the predicted second wave of Covid-19 infections happens. Competitive pressures ahead of the holiday season could trigger a rush to bankruptcy court, they say. “The pipeline is as full as it has been all year,” said Bradley Snyder, an executive managing director at the liquidation firm Tiger Capital Group, referring to the potential for more retail bankruptcies. Some 44 retailers have already landed in bankruptcy court in 2020, according to a tracking by S&P Global Market Intelligence. “The challenge is making sure we can actually close stores in a window that is open,” he said. Meal-kit company Blue Apron and online furniture retailer Wayfair are high on S&P Global’s list of companies at risk of defaulting on their debt and seeking bankruptcy protection. Apparel makers J.Jill, Christopher & Banks and Destination XL Group are also at risk, S&P Global said in an analysis this month. Firms including Tiger, Hilco, Gordon Brothers and Great American Group appear to be racing around the clock to work through what has been the busiest year for retail bankruptcies since the Great Recession. When it comes to the hundreds of going-out-of-business sales taking place simultaneously, resources are limited. Shoppers’ wallets are also somewhat strained, with millions of Americans out of a job. Thousands of bricks-and-mortar stores are shutting permanently this year, with closures already topping 6,000, according to Coresight Research. Retailers currently holding going-out-of-business sales include J.C. Penney, Stein Mart, Ann Taylor owner Ascena and Pier 1. While that means the deals might be crazy good for consumers on the hunt for bargains, it also means the competition is only heating up among retailers trying to recoup some of their losses by offloading the last of their merchandise. Deep discounts abound, and this is expected to make the holiday season even more competitive. Kohl’s Chief Financial Officer Jill Timm told analysts this week that she expects a lot of sales promotions during the last half of the year. “We expect the margin pressure to persist, given both liquidation pressures as well as people trying to go after that market share and the earlier holiday period,” she said. Some expect there could be a lull before another wave of filings hit, as the industry works through those liquidations already taking place. “We may just be a little bit on pause right now, because there has been so much [activity],” said Andy Graiser, co-CEO at the restructuring firm A&G Real Estate Partners. “But I think you are going to start seeing mid- and small-size companies filing in the fall. In some cases, they have gotten government money and have been able to buy time. But if their sales aren’t there, you are going to see more bankruptcies.” “And you may see more Chapter 7s because they can’t reorganize and don’t have the money to go through a Chapter 11,” he said, referring to liquidations versus reorganizations under federal bankruptcy law. Big mall owners are looking to do deals to salvage bankrupt retailers.

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